Eritrea Wire

Former South African President Jacob Zuma pleaded not guilty to corruption charges Wednesday in a trial that began more than a quarter century ago after some of the alleged crimes were committed.

Zuma, 79, is being tried on multiple counts of corruption, fraud, money laundering and racketeering charges linked to a 1999 $2 billion arms deal when he was deputy president.

Zuma, who faces a 25-year prison term if convicted, was president from 2009 until he was forced out of office in 2018 during multiple political corruption scandals.

He has maintained he is the target of a politically motivated witch hunt by a rival faction of the ruling African National Congress.

One of the charges accuses Zuma of accepting bribes from Thales, a French multinational company, to guarantee South Africa signed the arms deal with the company in 1999.

Prosecutors have also launched a separate probe into allegations that Zuma accepted $34,000 annually from Thales to protect the company from an investigation into the agreement.

Thales, known as Thomson-CSF when the deal was reached, said it was unaware of any offenses committed by any of its employees. A company representative pleaded not guilty to the racketeering, corruption and money laundering charges the company faces.

Prosecutors filed charges against Zuma more than a decade ago but decided just before his successful 2009 presidential campaign not to pursue them. Prosecutors reinstated the charges a month after Zuma stepped down in early 2018.

On Wednesday, Zuma’s lawyer filed papers in Pietermaritzburg High Court calling for the removal of chief prosecutor Billy Downer. They claimed Downer is biased and that Zuma’s right to a fair trial was at risk. The judge said he would consider the request.

Source: Voice of America

Mali’s interim president and prime minister have resigned following their arrest by the military, in what amounts to a second coup for the troubled West African county in nine months.

President Bah N’Daw and Prime Minister Moctar Ouane resigned according to a statement Wednesday from Baba Cissé, an aide to the country’s vice president and de facto military leader Colonel Assimi Goita.

Cisse said negotiations are underway for the two politicians’ release and the formation of a new government.

N’Daw and Ouane have been held at the military’s headquarters in Kati since Monday, when they were arrested in the capital, Bamako. A delegation from the West African regional bloc ECOWAS was scheduled to meet with them on Wednesday.

Goita, who led the coup that toppled then-President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita last October, said Tuesday he removed N’Daw and Ouane because they neglected to advise him about a cabinet reshuffle that left out two members of the military, a move he said violated the agreement that created the civilian transitional government.

Mali’s defense minister, Souleymane Doucoure, was also detained along with N’Daw and Ouane.

Goita said the country was still on track to hold presidential and legislative elections set for next February.

The detentions of N’Daw and Ouane sparked outrage among the international community. A joint statement issued Tuesday by ECOWAS, the United Nations, the African Union and other international bodies called for their immediate release, while French President Emmanuel Macron denounced the move as a “coup d’etat.”

The U.S. State Department voiced support for the ECOWAS statement on Wednesday, and said it is “suspending all security assistance that benefits the Malian security and defense forces.”

Mali has been in turmoil since then-President Amadou Toumani Touré was toppled in a military coup in 2012 that led ethnic Tuareg rebels to seize control of several northern towns, which were then taken over by Islamist insurgents. France deployed forces to repel the insurgents the following year, but the rebels have continued to operate in rural areas.

Source: Voice of America

U.S. President Joe Biden condemned the six-month conflict in Ethiopia’s Tigray region Wednesday, calling for a cease-fire and declaring that human rights abuses “must end.”

“I am deeply concerned by the escalating violence and the hardening of regional and ethnic divisions in multiple parts of Ethiopia,” Biden said in a White House statement. “The large-scale human rights abuses taking place in Tigray, including widespread sexual violence, are unacceptable and must end.”

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed initially sent troops into Tigray in November after accusing the once-dominant regional ruling party of orchestrating attacks on federal army camps.

Abiy, a Nobel Peace Prize winner, declared victory later that month when the army entered the regional capital, Mekele.

But fighting continues and the half-year conflict has sparked allegations of massacres and rape by Ethiopian forces and troops from neighboring Eritrea.

“Belligerents in the Tigray region should declare and adhere to a cease-fire, and Eritrean and Amhara forces should withdraw,” Biden said, referring to the Amhara region, which borders Tigray to the south.

Threat of famine

Earlier this week, U.N. aid chief Mark Lowcock warned the Security Council that “there is a serious risk of famine if assistance is not scaled up in the next two months.”

Based on the warning, Biden said, “all parties, in particular the Ethiopian and Eritrean forces, must allow immediate, unimpeded humanitarian access to the region in order to prevent widespread famine.”

For the first time on Wednesday, Abiy’s government disclosed the toll of attacks by Tigrayan forces, who federal officials have long claimed would be unable to mount an effective insurgency.

Ethiopia said it had recorded 22 dead officials, 20 others who had been “kidnapped,” and four more who were “wounded and hospitalized.”

Some of the conflict’s worst atrocities, including mass rapes and massacres, are believed to have left hundreds dead.

“The government of Ethiopia and other stakeholders across the political spectrum should commit to an inclusive dialogue,” Biden said, urging the country’s leaders and institutions to “promote reconciliation, human rights and respect for pluralism.”

“The United States is committed to helping Ethiopia address these challenges,” Biden said, indicating that US special envoy for the Horn of Africa Jeffrey Feltman would return to the region next week.

Source: Voice of America

Eritrea is a country with a complex, turbulent history. And a fundamental element of that history has been the resilience of its people, who have withstood great adversity, tremendous injustice, and monumental challenges to stand tall, remain strong, and keep moving forward.

Eritrea won its independence from Ethiopia in 1991 after waging one of the longest, most destructive wars for liberation in modern African history. Prior to the colonial period, over several centuries, different parts of present-day Eritrea were ruled or repeatedly invaded by the Ottoman Turks, the Egyptians, and various warriors, feudal lords, and kings from areas in present-day Ethiopia and Sudan. By the late 19th century, the Italians began purchasing and laying claim to parts of the country, steadily penetrating from coast into the interior highlands in their aim to establish a settler colonial state. Italian colonization of Eritrea “was connived at and, indeed encouraged by the British, who saw in the development of Italian influence in the Red Sea a useful counter to the French” (Trevaskis 1960: 7-8). Eventually, on 1 January 1890, Italy’s King Umberto proclaimed Eritrea as Italy’s colonia primogenita (first-born colony), with Massawa pronounced as its capital.

Over the next half century, Eritreans were subjected to forced servitude, apartheid, and an array of dark horrors and indignities within an inherently brutal colonial system espousing Europeans’ greatness and superiority. However, Italian colonial rule also forged the basis of an Eritrean state and created its modern territorial boundaries. Additionally, it sparked socio-economic transformation and significant industrial progress, including modern port facilities, health centers, airports, and workshops, as well as factories, roads, railways, and communication facilities that were among the best in Africa. In a 1945 publication proposing Eritrea be partitioned, with the resulting parts being incorporated into imperial Ethiopia and Anglo- Egyptian Sudan, Brigadier Stephen H. Longrigg, a civilian who served as chief administrator of the British Military Administration (BMA) in Eritrea from 1942 to 1944, described Eritrea as “highly developed”.

In April 1941, the British-led Allied victory over Fascist Italy in the Horn of Africa led to the dissolution of the latter’s East African empire. With the end of Italian colonial rule, Eritrea was placed under a British caretaker military administration pending an international decision on its fate. Of course, the BMA meant the British reneged on their promise of independence to Eritreans. There had been many Eritrean soldiers in the Italian colonial army. Britain promised them independence if they would help the British forces, led by Lt. Gen. William Platt, defeat the Italians. Many Eritreans deserted the Italian army, commanded by Lt. Gen. Luigi Frusci, thus helping ensure a quick British victory. Afterwards, however, instead of independence, Eritreans were met with the BMA. What’s more, the British not only destroyed Eritrea’s industry and infrastructure, they attempted to sow local division and discord, so that Britain’s recommendations to the international community about Eritrea’s sovereignty would be accepted.

Eventually, after a lengthy international process, on 2 December 1950, United Nations (UN) Resolution 390 (V), passed by the UN General Assembly, extinguished Eritreans’ hopes and aspirations for independence, federating Eritrea with Ethiopia as “an autonomous unit … under the sovereignty of the Ethiopian Crown.” The resolution was sponsored by the United States (US) which, within the context of the emerging Cold War, determined its geostrategic interests could be better served by federating Eritrea with Ethiopia, its close ally and key partner “in the fight against the Soviet-led spread of Communism in Africa.” In a September 1952 speech to the UNSC shortly before the resolution was to come into effect, John Foster Dulles, then US Secretary of State, delivered the words that Eritreans, even generations later, would never forget,

“From the point of justice, the opinions of the Eritrean people

must receive consideration. Nevertheless, the strategic interest

of the United States in the Red Sea basin and considerations

of security and world peace make it necessary that the country

be linked with our ally, Ethiopia.”

Days after the UN resolution was passed, Haile Selassie, the Ethiopian Emperor, declared a national holiday to celebrate the “restoration” of Eritrea to Ethiopia. During a large celebratory luncheon, attended by the US Ambassador to Ethiopia, the Emperor thanked him and it was gratefully acknowledged that the UN decision was “mainly due to the US.” In return for helping ensure Ethiopia’s access to the sea, the US secured important military interests. On 22 May 1953, Ethiopia and the US signed an agreement in Washington officially granting the US the right to establish military facilities in Eritrea. The most notable of these was a communications base at Kagnew station in Asmara. A vital US intelligence link and housing thousands of Americans, Kagnew was the largest overseas spy facility in the world at the time.

The agreement was followed by subsequent treaties, including a mutual defense pact.

Although the Eritrean people’s right to self-determination was denied, contrary to principles recognized by the UN and unlike the other Italian colonies that received independence at the end of World War II (i.e., Libya and Somalia), Eritreans were relieved their country was not dismembered and they generally sought to make the best of the federal structure. The terms of the international resolution meant that Eritrea was to possess legislative, executive, and judicial powers in domestic affairs, while the jurisdiction of Ethiopia was to extend to defense, foreign affairs, and international trade. However, the Emperor viewed the federal structure with contempt and quickly began to disassemble it.

On 30 September 1952, only nineteen days after the federal arrangement was officially ratified by the Emperor, the imperial regime committed its first violation through Proclamation 130, which made the Ethiopian Supreme Court Eritrea’s final court of appeals, bypassing Eritrean laws. Eventually, the entire Eritrean constitution would be replaced, while the Eritrean flag was replaced by Ethiopia’s. Eritreans were also banned from speaking their own languages, with Ethiopia’s Amharic being made the official language. Press freedoms were abolished, Eritreans were forced to dissolve their political parties and trade unions, and whole industries were relocated from Asmara to Addis Ababa.

Eritreans were also subjected to state repression, violence, and persecution, while all forms of civil disobedience, opposition, dissent, and resistance, which had largely been peaceful and involved broad segments of the Eritrean population, were forcefully crushed. Assassination attempts against nationalists became routine. In 1957 and 1962, students organized mass demonstrations, while in 1958 a four-day national general strike was conducted by underground trade unions, paralyzing the country.

Ethiopian troops beat and shot the unarmed, peaceful protestors, killing and wounding many. Although Eritreans had been guaranteed a review of their case if Ethiopia violated the resolution, and despite the fact that Eritrean political leaders, on numerous occasions, appealed and petitioned to the UN in protest of Ethiopia’s steady dismantling of the federal arrangement, the UN and the international community remained silent.

Finally, in November 1962, the imperial regime dissolved the Eritrean parliament under force of arms and annexed Eritrea, proclaiming it as the empire’s fourteenth province. Again, the UN and international community voiced no objections to this flagrant breach of international law. Nevertheless, the move by Ethiopia only inspired greater nationalism among Eritreans and served to give further impetus to Eritrea’s nascent armed struggle for independence, which had emerged the year before.

In a passage within his 1960 book, Eritrea: A Colony in Transition, 1941-1952, G.K.N. Trevaskis, who served as a political secretary in Eritrea during the BMA, advised Ethiopia against the abrogation of the federation, warning that maintaining the federal arrangement in accordance with UN Resolution 390A(V) would be in the best interest of Ethiopia and Eritrea. Yet he ultimately recognized that Ethiopia’s “temptation to subject Eritrea firmly under her own control will always be great. Should she try to do so, she will risk Eritrean discontent and eventual revolt, which, with foreign sympathy and support, might well disrupt both Eritrea and Ethiopia herself” (Trevaskis 1960: 171). These words would prove to be prescient.

Initially, the US provided Ethiopia with considerable economic, diplomatic, and military support – unmatched on the continent. Washington even made Ethiopia the first country in sub-Saharan Africa to possess supersonic jet fighters. Several thousand Ethiopians were trained in the US, while several hundred American advisers were planted in Addis Ababa, with US Special Forces units and other military personnel sent to Ethiopia to train local forces in counterinsurgency. American support to Ethiopia was augmented by considerable military and technical assistance from a number of other countries.

Although American (and other countries’) support helped Ethiopia establish a large, modern army, the imperial regime was unable to contain Eritrea’s liberation movement, which had grown from a small group of “bandits” into a disciplined, formidable, and highly effective military force. By 1973, the Ethiopian regime’s failure to adequately respond to a famine in the north of the country, in combination with heavy pressure from Eritrean liberation forces (as well as a rebellion in the Ogaden region) led to a military revolt. In September 1974, after months of popular agitation and growing dissatisfaction with the imperial regime, a committee of military officers, the Derg, overthrew the eighty-two-year old Emperor. Soon after, the Marxist- Leninist Derg regime, led by Lt. Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam, ousted the US from the country and realigned Ethiopia with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). For the Ethiopian government and military, the USSR was to provide a critical lifeline. (Despite Ethiopia shifting allegiance in the Cold War, it continued to receive considerable aid from the West for many years.)

By late 1977, Eritrean independence forces had liberated nearly the entire countryside, while they also controlled all the major towns in the country, except for the port of Massawa and Asmara. At the same time, Ethiopia’s military was being stretched on another front by the outbreak of war with Somalia.

However, the 1977/78 Soviet intervention on the behalf of the beleaguered Ethiopian army dramatically shifted the existing military balance of power in the Horn and completely reversed Eritrean (and Somali) progress. The USSR dispatched many military and political advisors to Ethiopia, and also provided billions of dollars in new military hardware. Additionally, thousands of Soviet, Cuban, and South Yemeni frontline troops, advisers, and technicians were dispatched to the Ogaden. This helped Ethiopia to emerge victorious in the war with Somalia. It also allowed it to shift its military focus more directly on Eritrea.

From the cusp of victory, the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) withdrew to its base in Nakfa, “the place of resilience” and capital of the harsh, rugged, mountainous Sahel province. The war subsequently developed into a protracted stalemate, featuring a number of large, epic battles and the Eritreans repulsing a series of major Soviet-supported Ethiopian offensives. By the late 1980s, the trajectory of the war shifted once again as the EPLF began to regain the offensive and make significant advances. The Ethiopian army was routed in Afabet in 1988 and the key coastal city of Massawa in 1990, before finally being defeated near Asmara and in Assab in May 1991.

After its victory over Africa’s largest, best-equipped army, the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front began preparations for a referendum to allow Eritreans to determine their future. Two years later, in 1993, Eritrea was formally welcomed into the international community of nations after a referendum in which Eritreans overwhelmingly voted for independence. Having demonstrated tremendous resilience in the face of the greatest adversity, Eritreans were finally free.

Source: Ministry of Information Eritrea

Eritrean Independence Day is the most important public holiday in the country. On this day, May 24, 1991, the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front forces defeated the heavily armed Ethiopian army and made their way to the capital of Eritrea. Every national in and out of the country celebrates May 24 with pride.

I arrived at Asmara Stadium, where the national celebration of the 30th Independence Day was held, at 4:30 p.m. As I took my steps through the entrance gate, I could feel my heartbeat increasing and joy spreading through my whole body. The noise coming from the crowd didn’t annoy me. I walked through the stairs and sat in my seat, starting to take everything in. I looked to my left, to my right, and then to those who were sitting on the seats above mine. You could feel the same vibe from those who were dancing and cheering, gently touching their chests with their palms. You could see the deep pride and happiness on their faces. The entire atmosphere takes you back to May 24 of 1991, when everyone in Asmara went out of their houses to cheer and welcome the freedom fighters.

As I was appreciating the people’s passion, I got lost in my own thoughts. I was reminded that the common struggle, characterized by bitter experience, enriched the repertoire of common memories, a necessary prerequisite for living together. In that respect, the armed struggle for the liberation of Eritrea represents the most outstanding and vital process in a chain of historical events that began in 1890 and culminated in the formation of the State of Eritrea in 1991. Underscoring the immense importance of the period of the armed struggle, Eritreans and several foreign observers maintain that in actuality Eritrean nationalism and nationhood was solidified through the national liberation struggle. Suddenly, I heard the host of the program telling the people to stand up and welcome the President who arrived at the stadium. That’s when I was brought back to reality.

The program started at 5:00 p.m. with a moment of silence to pay tribute to Eritrea’s martyrs. A speech was then given by the Head of the National Holidays Coordination Committee, Ambassador Zemede Tekle. In his speech, he said that the program was held by following the national COVID-19 guidelines and thanked the senior government and PFDJ officials, army commanders, religious leaders, members of the diplomatic corps, and Eritrean nationals for their efforts and attendance. He then invited President Isaias Afwerki to deliver a keynote speech on the occasion.

In his speech, President Isaias congratulated Eritreans inside and outside of the country for the ferocious struggle the Eritrean people waged with heroism and resilience to assert the independence and sovereignty of their country. He went on to reiterate the theme of the 30th Independence Day anniversary, “Resilient- as ever!” before noting how global and regional agendas have profoundly impacted our history and led to challenges that have demonstrated the determination of the people.

President Isaias said, “Protecting and preserving national independence and sovereignty was not confined to combating the security threats emanating from the forces of greed and domination. Nation building through effective developmental undertaking was also a mission pursued with equal priority.

Although we may not have managed to achieve all-rounded progress, sector by sector, and in various fields and projects – with the pace envisioned and to the extent of our aspirations – the track record in our priority areas is satisfactory. We have no doubts that overall progress will be expedited in the period ahead on the basis of the programs charted out and reviewed already. The experiences gleaned so far will also be crucial in this endeavor.

Another factor that has direct impact on our developmental programs and undertakings is the COVD-19 pandemic. The commotion and staggering loss of life that the pandemic has inculcated globally in the past year cannot but constitute a “Wake-Up Call” for humanity. This has provoked and amplified serious questions on different economic concepts and indicators; developmental choices as well as social, ecological and health precepts. In Eritrea, it has enabled us to identify our shortcomings – both in our health policies and operational modalities – and to implement requisite adjustments at the outset. In this context, we shall not spare efforts to put the threat from the pandemic under full control in order to eliminate deleterious consequences to our safety and developmental objectives. This will require perseverance in our vigilance and the bolstering of our all-rounded research, preventive measures, and therapeutic capabilities.”

In his conclusion, President Isaias thanked Eritreans, particularly the Eritrean Defense Forces, who have remained devoted to ensuring the country’s peace and security.

Subsequently, the military parade, accompanied by a marching band, made their grand entrance. The crowd welcomed them with ululation and loud cheering. Chants broke out declaring this year’s slogan “resilience- as ever!”. After the military parade, a live performance was held with singers, poets, dancers, and other performers. After the renowned poet, Ahmed Omer Sheik, recited his poem “Ertrya 30”, 600 student performers made their entrance. Some students sat in the background while some were on the stage, wearing colorful outfits. The performers had been preparing and taking dancing lessons for the past two-and-a-half months under the guidance of Mr. Nesredin Saleh and Ms. Freselam Habte. What made this year’s performance unique is that for the very first time twenty songs were played and the performers danced for the entire time. Also, songs of the nine ethnic groups of Eritrea, accompanied by their traditional dances, were sung by both young and veteran artists. The performances reflected the unity and diversity, resilience, determination and hopes of our people. The 30th Independence Day differs from anniversaries held in the past in its grand finale with the unique, beautiful and colorful fireworks that lasted for 20 minutes. Songs from the 1990’s were played as accompaniments to the fireworks. The youth took the ‘after-party’ to the center stage and danced there. Indeed, after all the ups and downs the people have been, they deserve the joy and party. Soon President Isaias joined the youth and shared the joy and happiness of the day with his people. The official ceremony ended with the national anthem at 8:00 p.m.

Salute to the heroes who made the dream a reality. Happy 30th Independence Day Anniversary to every Eritrean and the Government.

Source: Ministry of Information Eritrea

Eritrean nationals in Ethiopia and Italy enthusiastically celebrated the 30th Independence Day anniversary under the theme “Resilient: As Ever”.

Speaking at the occasion held at the Eritrean Embassy in Addis Ababa organized by the Eritrean Embassy and Eritrean Permanent Representative at the African Union Economic Commission, Mr. Semere Russom, Eritrean Ambassador in Ethiopia, said that despite the threat posed by the COVID-19 pandemic and the restrictions that go with it, Eritrea has registered encouraging achievement in various sectors and is standing in firm ground.

The event was highlighted by cultural and artistic programs with few members of the Embassy staff participating while Eritreans in Ethiopia virtually attended the ceremony.

According to the report from the Community and Public Affairs at the Eritrean Embassy in Italy, Eritreans in 17 cities in Italy celebrated the 30th Independence Day anniversary on 23 May respecting the guidelines issued in that country to control the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Speaking at the event in Rome, Mr. Fesehatsion Petros, Eritrean Ambassador in Italy, congratulating the Eritrean people and its gallant Defense Forces said that the 30th Independence Day anniversary is being celebrated at the time in which Eritrea has emerged victorious foiling various hostilities and challenges.

Source: Ministry of Information Eritrea

Ambassador Sophia Tesfamariam, Eritrea’s Permanent Representative at the United Nations hosted virtual reception in connection with the 30th Independence Day anniversary in which Ambassadors of various countries took part.

At the event, Mr. Osman Saleh, Minister of Foreign Affairs gave keynote address to the participants from Asmara on the current situation of the COVID-19 pandemic in Eritrea.

In his address, Foreign Minister Osman Saleh said that as a result of the strict guidelines and regulations issued by the Eritrean Government and the conscious participation and implementation of the Eritrean people it was able to control the spread COVID-19 pandemic with few instances of infections and death.

Minister Osman also expressed appreciation for the front-line health professionals in general and the health professionals of Eritrea for their relentless contribution and commitment in the global effort to control COVID-19 pandemic.

On the occasion, a short documentary film depicting the rich heritage of Eritrea and the struggle for independence and safeguarding national sovereignty was presented to the participants.

The Ambassadors of various countries that took part in the event expressed admiration for the perseverance, patriotism, and commitment demonstrated by the Eritrean people and wished good health to President Isaias Afwerki and peace and prosperity to the Eritrean people.

The event was attended by Deputy Secretary-General Amina Mohammed, Ms. Cristina Duarte, Under-Secretary-General and Special Adviser on Africa, Ms. Fekitamoeloa Katoa, Under-Secretary-General and High Representative of UN-High Representative for the Least Developed Countries (OHRLLS), and Ambassador Fatima Kiyari, African Union Observer Mission, as well as Eritreans and friends of Eritrea working at the various UN systems.

Source: Ministry of Information Eritrea