Agency Dismisses False Information about Death of Eritrean Refugees in Camp

Agency for Refugees and Returnees Affairs (ARRA) dismissed today the report disseminated by some media outlets about attack on Dabat refugee camp in North Gondar Zone of Amhara Regional State.

In an exclusive interview with ENA, Agency for Refugees and Returnees Affairs Director General Tesfahun Gobezay recalled that Eritrean refugees, who had been living peacefully in four camps in Tigray region before the conflict, were attacked repeatedly by the terrorist group TPLF.

To prevent attacks on Eritrean refugees, the government worked hard to ensure safety of the refugees by moving them to the temporary shelters built in Maitsebri and Dabat, he added.

According to him, the refugees near Dabat town have subsequently been hosted with love by the community.

The director general stressed that the reports disseminated by some international media outlets about attack on an Eritrean refugee camp in Dabat is incorrect and far from the truth.

The agency has filed complaint to the organization that gave the wrong information to BBC Amharic, which was later exaggerated by the Deutsche Welle ( DW) that reported the death of one person.

The incident occurred following group to group conflict among the refugees; and distorting this fact to mislead the international community is unacceptable, Tesfahun underlined.

Although details of the incident are under investigation, he said nobody was killed. Five people were injured and three of them were immediately treated and returned to the camp, while two are undergoing treatment.

Ethiopia is a country that has a reputation for accepting refugees, participating in joint projects, providing vital services and banking services.

At present, it is hosting more than 900,000 refugees from primarily South Sudan, Somalia, Eritrea, Sudan, and other countries in 25 camps.

The country has ratified international treaties relating to refugees and makes integral part of the law of land and is party to the OAU convention governing the specific aspects of refugee problems in Africa.

Source: Ethiopia News agency

WHO: COVID Cases, Deaths in Africa Drop to Lowest Levels Yet

The number of coronavirus cases and deaths in Africa have dropped to their lowest levels since the pandemic began, marking the longest decline yet seen in the disease, according to the World Health Organization.

In a statement on Thursday, the U.N. health agency said COVID-19 infections due to the omicron surge had “tanked” from a peak of more than 308,000 weekly cases to fewer than 20,000 last week. Cases and deaths fell by 29% and 37% respectively in the last week; deaths decreased to 239 from the previous week.

“This low level of infection has not been seen since April 2020 in the early stages of the pandemic in Africa,” WHO said, noting that no country in the region is currently seeing an increase of COVID-19 cases.

The agency warned, however, that with winter approaching for Southern Hemisphere countries, “there is a high risk of another wave of new infections.” The coronavirus spreads more easily in cooler temperatures when people are more likely to gather in larger numbers indoors.

“With the virus still circulating, the risk of new and potentially more deadly variants emerging remains, and the pandemic control measures are pivotal to effective response to a surge in infections,” said Dr. Matshidiso Moeti, WHO’s Africa director.

Earlier this week, WHO said scientists in Botswana and South Africa have detected new forms of the omicron variant, labeled as BA.4 and BA.5, but aren’t sure yet if they might be more transmissible or dangerous.

To date, the new versions of omicron have been detected in four people in Botswana and 23 people in South Africa. Beyond Africa, scientists have confirmed cases in Belgium, Denmark, Germany and the United Kingdom. WHO said there was so far no evidence the new sub-variants spread any differently than the original omicron variant.

Despite repeated warnings from WHO director-general Tedros Adhanom Ghebreysus that the coronavirus would devastate Africa, the continent has been among the least affected by the pandemic.

In an analysis released last week, WHO estimated that up to 65% of people in Africa have been infected with the coronavirus and said unlike many other regions, most people infected on the continent didn’t show any symptoms.

Scientists at WHO and elsewhere have speculated that factors including Africa’s young population, the lower incidence of chronic diseases like heart disease and diabetes and warmer weather, may have helped it avoid a bigger wave of disease.

Still, some countries have seen significant increases in the numbers of unexplained deaths, suggesting authorities were missing numerous COVID-19 cases.

Source: Voice of America

Greening in Qrora Subzone

Qrora subzone, a subzone in the Northern Red Sea region, is mostly known for agriculture and pastoralism. According to farmers in the area, it used to be center of commercial agriculture and had abundant harvest. Prior to the 1970s, cotton grown in the area was used at Baratelo Garment factory, today’s Dolce Vita, in Asmara.

Qrora depends on coastal summer rains and rivers that flow in the area for plantations. Millet and cotton are two of the most commonly grown plants in the area. Farming in Qrora is carried out in extensive farms near river banks such as Rhib, Meliet, Mesebar, Mebia, Habl-Qetin, Gaghet and Qrar Qeyh.

However, beginning in the mid- 70s up to Eritrea’s liberation, the subzone turned into a battlefield just like many other parts of Eritrea. It was used as one of the military bases of the enemy, forcing some farmers to migrate and others to scatter to safer places in different regions of Eritrea. The extensive, highly productive agricultural fields turned into battlefields.

After Eritrea’s independence, however, owners of the land reclaimed their property and started farming all over again. The government assists the farmers when in need. In areas like Meluet that are prone to floods, it has provided bulldozers and tractors to prevent erosion and facilitate production. The government’s efforts have paid off encouraging farmers to keep on working harder.

This year, unlike in the past, farming in Qrora has been affected by insufficient rainfall. The grassland has turned so dry the only green visible in the area are the palm trees by the river banks.

According to the director of the Ministry of Agriculture (MoA) in the subzone, Mr. Adem Saleh, in spite of the shortage of rainfall, the Ministry is working to conduct the usual agricultural activities in the region. One of its efforts is related to its commitment to the nationally declared greening campaign. To boost the campaign, a nursery has been set at Mahmimet with a view to restoring indigenous trees that are on the verge of extinction. Palm trees are one of the biggest threats to the existence of indigenous trees because they are very extensive and tend to dominate the land.

Since Qrora subzone is located at the border, the prevention of migratory animal diseases is one of the biggest tasks of the authorities in the subzone. The MoA has been working to ensure the prevention and treatment of migratory animal diseases through vaccinations and medications. However, due to the frequent mobility of animals owned by nomads, the infection is not easy to control. The MoA also works to prevent the transmission of diseases from animals to humans.

In its effort to introduce modern farming, the MoA provides farmers in certain areas with tractors to farm the land. According to authorities of agriculture in the subzone, 32,000 hectares of land has been dispensed in villages such as Gheleb-Sagla, Meliet and Habil- Qetin, and the farmers are said to have profited greatly from their farm productions.

Another face of agriculture in Qrora is pastoralism. Although goats and sheep dominate, cattle and pack animals such as camels and donkeys are also found in Qrora subzone. According to the farmers in the area, the cattle have currently migrated to Gash Barka and Sudan to feed.

Records of the MoA show there are about 180,000 goats and sheep and 70,000 camels in the subzone.

Another aspect of agriculture that wasn’t common in the area is gardening. During the armed struggle, the EPLF engaged in gardening around river Felket, and the people in the subzone adopted the practice after Eritrea’s independence. Today, there is around 40 hectares of land used as garden around Mahmimet and Felket River, 25 hectares of which is watered using motor pumps. The most productive time of the gardens in Qrora extends from October to August, allowing vegetables produced in the subzone to reach almost all over Eritrea.

When it comes to trees, those that are native to the subzone are almost extinct because of successive droughts and the invading palm trees. This is a big concern. The indigenous trees that were common in the subzone are now bound to the river banks while the rest of the land is dominated by palm trees. Although the palm trees are a threat to other trees, they serve as the main animal feed in the subzone and are construction material.

According to Mr. Hamid Osman, an expert of trees and plantations at the MoA in Qrora, greening campaigns are carried out in Qrora subzone as in other parts of Eritrea. He added they have been stressing on its importance for the last two years and said that planting trees is “very essential to the reclamation of trees and for covering the bare lands with green vegetation.”

Mr. Hamid said the Mahmimet nursery is set to produce two types of seedlings — the near-extinct indigenous trees and imported sprouts. While the former are aimed at restoring the original diversity of vegetation, the latter are imported to serve as food for humans and animals, he explained.

The tree seedlings given out to different institutions are said to be making very good progress.

Some of the many seedlings in the nursery are neem, guava and lemon trees. Around 1000 and 5000 seedlings have been tested and distributed in Qrora and Mahmimet respectively. The seedlings are being given to government institutions and the local communities, and if this is maintained, it shall be very decisive to the success of the greening campaign that is already in motion.

Agriculture and afforestation are the bases of food security and national development. For this reason, the planting of tree seedlings and gardening are being consistently promoted. As farming in Qrora is heavily dependent on annual rainfall, it makes it quite uncertain. But this can be redressed if the farmers in the subzone work harder on greening campaigns.

As declared by the government, greening campaigns are now the task of every citizen in the entire country. Concerned bodies organize and initiate projects of afforestation in different institutions and are establishing reservations in different parts of Eritrea. Similarly, Qrora has proven it is highly committed to the program, and the nurseries in the subzone are testimonies of the efforts of the subzone in this regard. “We expect the nursery to become the base and springboard of the agricultural and greening campaigns in the subzone, and we shall be successful,” Mr. Hamid said in his closing statement.

Source: Ministry of Information Eritrea

We do Not Relinquish What is ours; Nor do We Covet What Belongs to Others: (Natna Aynhbn Zeynatna Ayndeln)

April 13, 2002, is the date on which the Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC) – the Arbitral body composed of five judges established with the express mandate of delimiting and demarcating the Eritrea-Ethiopia boundary based on pertinent Colonial Treaties (1900, 1902 and 1908) and Applicable International Law – gave its final and binding verdict. Through this adjudication, the putative “border dispute’’ of the two countries was legally settled once and for all.

Nonetheless, the defunct TPLF regime reneged on its treaty obligations and resorted to all sorts of subterfuges to obstruct the implementation of the Arbitral Ruling. The TPLF’s endless prevarications and impediments ultimately pushed the EEBC to opt for virtual demarcation of the border in November 2007 invoking legal validity of the procedure and recent precedence in other similar cases. The EEBC accordingly provided both countries with full digital details of the virtually demarcated border while duly depositing these maps at the UN Cartographic Unit.

I was only a child when the TPLF declared war against Eritrea in 1998. But I can vividly remember, among other things, the mobilization of able-bodied citizens, including my father to the war front; the bustling of women to prepare dry food; constant news coverage on local radio; general anxiety and hopes for victory in the imposed war; the new songs that depicted the new reality and the pounding of the artillery.

I also remember Wedi Shawl’s song of “Natna Aynihbin, Zeynatna Ayndelin”, which I later found out was indeed extracted from the historic speech of President Isaias Afwerki on 24 May 1998; two weeks after the TPLF’s declaration of war on Eritrea.

Wedi Shawl came up with another fitting song with the lyrics, ‘Koyna Zbelnayas Koyna’ – which roughly translates into: “What we have said all along is done” – when the EEBC’s decision contained in a 125-page document was solemnly announced on April 13, 2002. This was a very popular song at the time. Not only did we sing the song but wrote the lyrics on classroom walls with colored chalk.

In retrospect, it’s easy to understand why we wrote and sang ‘Koyna Zbelnayas Koyna’. As young students, we only knew that the war erupted due to Ethiopian territorial claims on Badme. As young students, we assertively argued, even if we had no clue on the complexity of border issues, “Badme Natnaýa – Badme is ours”, on sheer gut feeling. The ‘Koyna Zbelnayas Koyna’ of the time, unlike our narrow interpretation which was confined to the EEBC’s Award, had a far greater meaning and implication. The nation, including artist Wedi Shawl, was celebrating the overall victory of the rule of law over the rule of jungle.

As Secondary School students, our understanding of legal concepts and clauses in the Algiers Agreement – such as sovereignty, territorial integrity, the rule of law etc, was limited and confined to what we read/listened in local newspapers/radio broadcasts. On the occasion of the 14th anniversary of the Independence Day on May 24, 2005, I participated in a general-knowledge contest representing my school. I was asked to list the Guarantors of the Algiers Peace Agreement. I got it right. But I did not win as I failed to come up with the correct answer for the subsequent question. The host asked me to spell out the full names of the five judges of the Commission. I was dazed. I could only mention Professor Sir Elihu Lauterpacht, the President, in prattler accent. I heard the remaining names of Prince Bola Adesumbo Ajibola, Professor W. Michael Reisman, Judge Stephen M. Schwebel and Sir Arthur Watts from the host.

Boundary disputes are not limited to Eritrea and Ethiopia. This is especially the case in Africa where, at the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885, colonial powers carved out boundaries without regard for inhabitants and local geography. But it is also the case in other continents.

With regard to the Eritrean border with Ethiopia, this was delimited through the three agreements signed in 1900, 1902, and 1908. The integrity of this border remained unchanged in subsequent periods and was endorsed as such by the UN in 1952. We also knew that the OAU Summit in Cairo in 1964 adopted a Resolution on the sanctity of the colonial boundaries to avert a Pandora’s Box of interminable border disputes and conflicts.

But the TPLF embarked on reckless attempt of redrawing the political maps of Ethiopia and Tigray Region to incorporate adjacent territories within Ethiopia as well as from sovereign Eritrea. The latter act was in flagrant contravention of the basic OAU Resolution and accepted African norms and practices. Concerted efforts made by Eritrea to settle the problem through good-faith negotiations failed to bear any fruit. TPLF’s obduracy was followed by its declaration of a needless and costly border war that raged for two year inculcating the loss of over one hundred thousand lives; and, the displacement and deportation of tens of thousands more.

When TPLF’s military campaigns was thwarted by a costly defeat at the Assab Front in June 2000, it was finally forced to accept the Cessation of Hostilities and later the entire Algiers Peace Agreement on December 12, 2000.

The Algiers Agreement created a court of arbitration, the EEBC. The Algiers Agreement also stipulated, in categorical terms, that “the parties agree that the delimitation and demarcation determinations of the Commission shall be final and binding”. But notwithstanding the unequivocal provisions of the Algiers Agreement, the EEBC decision was not enforced by the UN Security Council because principal sponsors – especially the US and the EU – failed to honour their obligations for their own narrow geopolitical considerations.

When the EEBC decision was announced, Seyoum Mesfin, Ethiopia’s Foreign Minister at the time falsely claimed that “Badme was awarded to Ethiopia”. He urged the international community to use punitive sanctions if necessary, to secure Eritrea’s full and immediate compliance with the provisions of the EEBC Award. The Foreign Minister and his government were soon to make a u-turn, sing a different song and reject the EEBC Award. Subsequent sessions of the EEBC were marked by Ethiopia’s dilatory tactics. Thus, in its 16th Report to the UN in 2006, the Commission was compelled to write: “Ethiopia is not prepared to allow demarcation to continue in the manner laid down in the demarcation directions and in accordance with the timeline set by the Commission.”

TPLF bad-faith acts and obstructions were tacitly endorsed by its principal sponsors. John Bolton, former US Ambassador to the UN, in his book, “Surrender is not an Option”, revealed the various ploys employed by the US Department of State to nullify the provisions of the Algiers Agreement and the EEBC final and binding decision. He wrote: “For reasons I never understood, however, Frazer reversed course, and asked in early February [2005] to reopen the 2002 EEBC decision, which she had concluded was wrong, and award a major piece of disputed territory to Ethiopia. I was at a loss how to explain that to the Security Council…”

In 2008, I was assigned to Elala, a small village found at about an hour’s walk on foot southwest of Shambuko crossing the Mereb River, to do my National Service as a teacher. Elala was a temporary village established by the displaced inhabitants of Denbe Hmbrti, Sef’a and Hazegga. They were deprived of their farm and grazing land due to the continued illegal occupation of TPLF forces. Through the help of binoculars provided by the Eritrean forces stationed there, I observed the movement of the enemy in the mountain facing Shambuko. Elala, found deep inside the Eritrean sovereign territory, was turned into “a contentious battle-ground” and Eritrean forces were standing between us and the enemy.

The course of events changed when Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed declared Ethiopia’s readiness to accept and implement in full the Decision of the Boundary Commission. Following his visit to Asmara, a Joint Declaration on Peace and Friendship was signed between Eritrea and Ethiopia on July 9, 2018. The Declaration brought to an end eighteen years of ‘no war no peace’ between Ethiopia and Eritrea and opened a new era of peace and friendship. Article four of the Joint Agreement stipulates that “The two countries will implement the Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission decision.”

Natna Aynhbn Zeynatna Ayndelni represents Eritrea’s principled legal position that augurs well for a peaceful resolution of good-faith border disputes. It is an immutable recipe for enhancing good-neighbourly ties for enduring regional peace and stability. Eritrea has paid a heavy price because this was not reciprocated by the TPLF and certain powers in the international community that accommodated its excesses. Whatever the case, Eritrea’s flag, raised on the unbreakable pillar of truth, continues to fly high over its sovereign territories.

Source: Ministry of Information Eritrea

Russian War Worsens Fertilizer Crunch, Risking Food Supplies

Monica Kariuki is about ready to give up on farming. What is driving her off her about 40,000 square feet (10 acres) of land outside Nairobi isn’t bad weather, pests or blight — the traditional agricultural curses — but fertilizer: It costs too much.

Despite thousands of miles separating her from the battlefields of Ukraine, Kariuki and her cabbage, corn and spinach farm are indirect victims of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s invasion. The war has pushed up the price of natural gas, a key ingredient in fertilizer, and has led to severe sanctions against Russia, a major exporter of fertilizer.

Kariuki used to spend 20,000 Kenyan shillings, or about $175, to fertilize her entire farm. Now, she would need to spend five times as much. Continuing to work the land, she said, would yield nothing but losses.

“I cannot continue with the farming business. I am quitting farming to try something else,” she said.

Higher fertilizer prices are making the world’s food supply more expensive and less abundant, as farmers skimp on nutrients for their crops and get lower yields. While the ripples will be felt by grocery shoppers in wealthy countries, the squeeze on food supplies will land hardest on families in poorer countries. It could hardly come at a worse time: The U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization said last week that its world food-price index in March reached the highest level since it started in 1990.

The fertilizer crunch threatens to further limit worldwide food supplies, already constrained by the disruption of crucial grain shipments from Ukraine and Russia. The loss of those affordable supplies of wheat, barley and other grains raises the prospect of food shortages and political instability in Middle Eastern, African and some Asian countries where millions rely on subsidized bread and cheap noodles. “Food prices will skyrocket because farmers will have to make profit, so what happens to consumers?” said Uche Anyanwu, an agricultural expert at the University of Nigeria.

The aid group Action Aid warns that families in the Horn of Africa are already being driven “to the brink of survival.”

The U.N. says Russia is the world’s No. 1 exporter of nitrogen fertilizer and No. 2 in phosphorus and potassium fertilizers. Its ally Belarus, also contending with Western sanctions, is another major fertilizer producer.

Many developing countries — including Mongolia, Honduras, Cameroon, Ghana, Senegal, Mexico and Guatemala — rely on Russia for at least a fifth of their imports.

The conflict also has driven up the already-exorbitant price of natural gas, used to make nitrogen fertilizer. The result: European energy prices are so high that some fertilizer companies “have closed their businesses and stopped operating their plants,” said David Laborde, a researcher at the International Food Policy Research Institute.

For corn and cabbage farmer Jackson Koeth, 55, of Eldoret in western Kenya, the conflict in Ukraine was distant and puzzling until he had to decide whether to go ahead with the planting season. Fertilizer prices had doubled from last year.

Koeth said he decided to keep planting but only on half the acreage of years past. Yet he doubts he can make a profit with fertilizer so costly.

Greek farmer Dimitris Filis, who grows olives, oranges and lemons, said “you have to search to find” ammonia nitrate and that the cost of fertilizing a 10-hectare (25-acre) olive grove has doubled to 560 euros ($310). While selling his wares at an Athens farm market, he said most farmers plan to skip fertilizing their olive and orange groves this year.

“Many people will not use fertilizers at all, and this as a result, lowers the quality of the production and the production itself, and slowly, slowly at one point, they won’t be able to farm their land because there will be no income,” Filis said.

In China, the price of potash — potassium-rich salt used as fertilizer — is up 86% from a year earlier. Nitrogen fertilizer prices have climbed 39% and phosphorus fertilizer is up 10%.

In the eastern Chinese city of Tai’an, the manager of a 35-family cooperative that raises wheat and corn said fertilizer prices have jumped 40% since the start of the year.

“We can hardly make any money,” said the manager, who would give only his surname, Zhao.

Terry Farms, which grows produce on about 90,000 000 square feet (2,100 acres) largely in Ventura, California, has seen prices of some fertilizer formulations double; others are up 20%. Shifting fertilizers is risky, Vice President William Terry said, because cheaper versions might not give “the crop what it needs as a food source.”

As the growing season approaches in Maine, potato farmers are grappling with a 70% to 100% increase in fertilizer prices from last year, depending on the blend.

“I think it’s going to be a pretty expensive crop, no matter what you’re putting in the ground, from fertilizer to fuel, labor, electrical and everything else,” said Donald Flannery, executive director of the Maine Potato Board.

In Prudentopolis, a town in Brazil’s Parana state, farmer Edimilson Rickli showed off a warehouse that would normally be packed with fertilizer bags but has only enough to last a few more weeks. He’s worried that, with the war in Ukraine showing no sign of letting up, he’ll have to go without fertilizer when he plants wheat, barley and oats next month.

“The question is: Where Brazil is going to buy more fertilizer from?” he said. “We have to find other markets.”

Other countries are hoping to help fill the gaps. Nigeria, for example, opened Africa’s largest fertilizer factory last month, and the $2.5 billion plant has already shipped fertilizer to the United States, Brazil, India and Mexico.

India, meanwhile, is seeking more fertilizer imports from Israel, Oman, Canada and Saudi Arabia to make up for lost shipments from Russia and Belarus.

“If the supply shortage gets worse, we will produce less,” said Kishor Rungta of the nonprofit Fertiliser Association of India. “That’s why we need to look for options to get more fertilizers in the country.”

Agricultural firms are providing support for farmers, especially in Africa where poverty often limits access to vital farm inputs. In Kenya, Apollo Agriculture is helping farmers get fertilizer and access to finance.

“Some farmers are skipping the planting season and others are going into some other ventures such as buying goats to cope,” said Benjamin Njenga, co-founder of the firm. “So, these support services go a long way for them.”

Governments are helping, too. The U.S. Department of Agriculture announced last month that it was issuing $250 million in grants to support U.S. fertilizer production. The Swiss government has released part of its nitrogen fertilizer reserves.

Still, there’s no easy answer to the double whammy of higher fertilizer prices and limited supplies. The next 12 to 18 months, food researcher LaBorde said, “will be difficult.”

The market already was “super, super tight” before the war, said Kathy Mathers of the Fertilizer Institute trade group.

“Unfortunately, in many cases, growers are just happy to get fertilizer at all,” she said.

Source: Voice of America

Africom Commander Warns Against Neglect of Africa

Former President Barack Obama “pivoted” towards Africa, his predecessor Donald Trump away from it, and current U.S. leader Joe Biden has had his hands full with the pandemic at home and now the war in Ukraine.

But in an address to lawmakers on Capitol Hill last week, the commander for U.S. forces in Africa pointed to China’s dominance in a region vital to America’s security and economic growth, and warned that Washington ignores Africa at its peril.

“China’s heavy investment in Africa as its ‘second continent,’ and heavy-handed pursuit of its ‘One Belt, One Road’ initiative, is fueling Chinese economic growth, outpacing the U.S., and allowing it to exploit opportunities to their benefit,” AFRICOM Commander General Stephen Townsend told the House Committee on Appropriations, echoing comments he made last month to the Senate Armed Services Committee.

Townsend’s remarks come amid a burst of Chinese diplomacy with the continent. Foreign Minister Wang Yi — who has visited three countries in Africa this year — met with seven African counterparts in March alone. Last month, President Xi Jinping had what was billed as a “productive” telephone call with Cyril Ramaphosa, the leader of the region’s most developed economy, South Africa.

There’s been speculation that China may simply be trying to shore up support for its position on the Ukraine crisis, with Townsend noting: “Our African partners face choices to strengthen the U.S. and allied-led open, rules-based international order or succumb to the raw power transactional pressure campaigns of global competitors.”

Deborah Brautigam, director of the China Africa Research Initiative at Johns Hopkins University, told VOA that China is trying to create a “non-aligned” axis as “Beijing does not want the Ukraine war to become a new Cold War with countries forced to choose between the U.S. and Russia.”

But China’s interest in Africa long predates the war in Ukraine.

Townsend noted the region is home to rare earth metals used for mobile phones, hybrid vehicles, and missile guidance systems, and stressed that “the winners and losers of the 21st century global economy may be determined by whether these resources are available in an open and transparent marketplace or are inaccessible due to predatory practices of competitors.”

West Africa base worries?

The continent also occupies a key geostrategic location. Townsend expressed concern that China — which already has a naval base at the mouth of the Red Sea in Djibouti — is looking at setting up another on the Atlantic coast. That, he said, would “almost certainly require the [Defense] department to consider shifts to U.S. naval force posture and pose increased risk to freedom of navigation and U.S. ability to act.”

Brautigam says she doubts it is in China’s interest to “carve out a threat posture in the Atlantic.”

She told VOA that “with continued terrorism and instability in Nigeria, Cameroon and other parts of the Gulf of Guinea, that area has become the world’s hotspot for piracy.” For China, as the world’s largest trading nation, “that’s reason enough to want an outpost to protect Chinese citizens and economic interests in the Gulf of Guinea.”

An op-ed in China’s state-affiliated Global Times in January appeared to echo this line of reasoning, noting that compared to hundreds of U.S. bases around the world, China only has one and its need for any more would purely be to “ensure local security and interests.”

Another piece in the paper insisted: “China is the most cautious and restrained in terms of overseas military base deployment, as China does not have a desire to project military power globally to support the strategic competition of major powers.”

“Nevertheless, as China’s overseas interests continue to expand, there will be an increasing need for the Chinese PLA Navy to defend the national interests in more distant regions, inevitably demanding footholds in some distant waters,” it read.

While China plays down any ambitions to build a West Africa base, a State Department spokesperson told VOA: “It is widely understood that they are working to establish a network of military installations. … Certain potential steps involving PRC-basing activity would raise security concerns for the United States.”

Debt trap accusations

As the two superpowers vie for influence in Africa, Beijing is regularly accused by the West of providing “debt trap” loans to countries on the continent and of working with some of the region’s less savory leaders.

Government mouthpieces like the Global Times and Xinhua reject those allegations, with one op-ed in March countering: “While China offers financial supports and affordable proposals to local economies to build up economic strength to weather challenges, some developed countries have only offered aid with political strings attached.”

And, in a recent interview with a Kenyan newspaper, The East African, China’s special envoy for the Horn of Africa Xue Bing blamed instability in that region on Western foreign intervention. “China will send out engineers and students. We don’t send out weapons. We don’t impose our views on others in the name of democracy or human rights,” he told the newspaper.

Asked if China has already outplayed America on the continent, the State Department spokesperson said: “The United States does not want to limit African partnerships with other countries. The United States wants to make African partnerships with the United States even stronger.”

But Brautigam said that aside from foreign aid, China is a bigger economic player on the continent than the U.S. in every area, adding: “It’s not clear that Washington has pivoted to Africa beyond rhetoric.”

Source: Voice of America

Food Crisis Inches Toward Record High in West, Central Africa

An estimated 250 million people in Africa lack access to daily food, with the number impacted in west and central Africa expected to reach a record high. Officials and aid groups from more than 50 African countries meet this week in Equatorial Guinea to discuss ways of improving the continent’s agricultural food systems.

The U.N. World Food Program says the number of people affected by the ongoing food crisis in west and central Africa has quadrupled over the last three years, rising from 10.7 million in 2019 to 41 million today.

Countries in the Horn of Africa are also experiencing one of their worst food crises following three consecutive poor rainy seasons.

The food insecurity has caused a massive nutrition crisis, particularly among small children. It has also fueled a huge population displacement as people leave rural areas in search of better economic opportunities.

Many factors are at play. Extreme weather events such as drought and floods are occurring more regularly. In some countries, conflict prevents farmers from planting or harvesting crops.

As a result, many African countries have become increasingly reliant on food imports. So when the COVID-19 pandemic hit and disrupted global and regional trade, the continent suffered.

Abebe Haile-Gabriel is the assistant director general of the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization.

“Each time a new crisis hits, it adds to what is already a very precarious situation. And the economic base is not very strong. Productivity and production of food is one of the lowest in the world. Not enough is being produced,” said Haile-Gabriel.

The situation has been further complicated by the war in Ukraine. More than 20 African countries depend on Ukraine or Russia or both for wheat imports, Haile-Gabriel said, including 13 which depend on the warring nations for more than half of their annual wheat supply. Many African countries are also heavily reliant on fertilizer imports from Russia.

Benoît Thierry is the West Africa representative for the International Fund for Agricultural Development.

“In Africa, not all countries are self-sufficient. Senegal is importing 50% of its food and we think that all the governments should now get organized to ensure self-sufficiency in their countries. And for that you need investment plans in agriculture,” he said.

Past agricultural plans have had a scope of three to five years, Thierry said, but governments should be thinking longer term.

At this week’s U.N. food conference, government officials are expected to discuss ways of decreasing Africa’s dependence on imports by providing emergency support to farmers, taking advantage of the African continental free trade agreement, and investing in ecosystem restoration and resource management.

Source: Voice of America