Biden Hosts Kenyan President at White House

WASHINGTON —

Kenya is a major African player on the world geopolitical stage — as evidenced by U.S. President Joe Biden’s decision to meet with Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta on Thursday, Biden’s first in-person talks with an African leader since becoming president.

“The U.S.-Kenya strategic partnership is essential,” Biden said, as the two leaders sat down in the Oval Office. “We both, I think, believe it is essential to addressing key regional and global challenges,” he said.

After the meeting, the White House said the pair “discussed their shared commitment to defending democracy and human rights, advancing regional peace and security, and accelerating economic prosperity through climate-smart solutions and the use of renewable energy resources.”

The White House also said, in that statement, that the two “underscored the need to bring additional transparency and accountability to domestic and international financial systems and to advance peaceful resolutions to the conflicts in Somalia and Ethiopia.”

In Kenya’s next-door neighbor, Ethiopia, war has raged in the northern Tigray region for nearly a year. The conflict has killed untold numbers of people — the death toll itself is a subject of contention. The United Nations estimates the war has plunged 5.2 million people into a humanitarian crisis and sent more than 63,000 fleeing into neighboring Sudan.

“Today, we’re going to discuss what more Kenya and the United States can do together on the Horn of Africa to advance peace and security,” Biden said during the public opportunity before the closed-door meeting. Neither leader mentioned Ethiopia by name.

White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki, however, said the two leaders had discussed the landlocked nation and described the conflict in stark terms.

Biden last month signed an executive order threatening to impose sanctions on “those responsible for, or complicit in, prolonging the conflict in Ethiopia, obstructing humanitarian access, or preventing a ceasefire.” The sanctions, which have not yet been imposed, would affect the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, the federal governments of Ethiopia and Eritrea, the Amhara regional government, and other parties in the conflict.

“Obviously, what’s happening in Ethiopia, it’s an atrocity,” Psaki said, responding to a question about when the United States would initiate sanctions. “It’s horrific. It’s something that, frankly, I’m happy you’re asking about because there hasn’t been probably enough attention here in the United States to what’s happening.”

African solutions to African problems?

The lack of international oversight over the conflict, both in Tigray and in Addis Ababa, is a concern. In September, Ethiopia expelled seven senior United Nations officials, indicating that the Horn of Africa power is not easily influenced by outside forces. As Ethiopian leaders and ordinary citizens are inclined to note, Ethiopia is the only African nation that has never been colonized.

That historic mistrust, said Fergus Kell, an analyst with British research organization Chatham House, makes a fellow African state like Kenya a smart choice to exert influence.

“Regionally, Kenya has been a long-standing partner of the U.S. in terms of counterterrorism, particularly with respect to Somalia,” said Kell, speaking from Kano, Nigeria. “But increasingly, this is also about the situation in Ethiopia. As the Biden administration weighs up stronger punitive measures, Kenya has been one of the most vocal African countries on the crisis.”

This week, Kenyatta told reporters at the United Nations that the warring sides in Ethiopia must reach “a political resolution, because we do not believe that there is any military solution.”

‘I want to talk to you about that’

The White House also said the leaders discussed democracy and human rights issues as well security, economic growth, climate change and “the need to bring transparency and accountability to domestic and international financial systems.”

The last subject is likely to touch on revelations about Kenyatta and his family’s offshore holdings. The International Consortium of Investigative Journalists said in its recent Pandora Papers reports that Kenyatta’s family had stowed away about $30 million in offshore wealth. There is no evidence that the Kenyatta family stole any state assets.

When asked by VOA on Wednesday about the push for transparency and the Pandora Papers revelations, Psaki said Biden “has been quite vocal, as you all know, about the inequalities in the international financial system.”

“That doesn’t mean we don’t meet with people you have disagreements on,” she said. “We have a range of interests in working with Kenya and working with them on issues in Africa, in the region, and that will be the primary focus.”

Biden said Thursday he planned to discuss the issue with his Kenyan counterpart in private.

“We’re also going to talk about strengthening financial transparency and accelerating economic growth,” Biden said, as the two smiled and reclined in armchairs near artwork depicting American civil rights champions Martin Luther King, Jr. and Robert F. Kennedy.

“You’ve spoken to that, Mr. President; I want to talk to you about that,” Biden added.

Source: Voice of America

Pan African Film Festival Begins in Burkina Faso

The Pan-African Film Festival of Ouagadougou returns to Burkina Faso this weekend after being canceled last year due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

One Burkinabe director, who has made a film documenting a nursery for the infants of sex workers, talks about the importance of telling African stories through cinema.

Moumouni Sanou is a documentary film director from Bobo Dioulasso, Burkina Faso’s second largest city.

In 2019, he made a film, which is being screened at The Panafrican Film and Television Festival of Ouagadougou, or FESPACO.

Night Nursery follows the story of an older woman who runs a nighttime home for sex workers’ children in Bobo Dioulasso.

Sanou said he wants Night Nursery to humanize sex workers.

Sanou said the idea was to show a different side to sex workers, which is very rarely seen. In Burkina Faso and in the rest of Africa this profession is frowned upon, he said. “But it is also the oldest profession in the world. When we see these girls, people say they are bad people because they are sex workers,” he adds.

FESPACO has been running since 1969 and this year will feature films from around 30 African countries in its official selection. Cinema professionals and cinephiles travel from all over Africa and beyond to attend.

“FESPACO is one of the biggest African film festivals, and for me to be selected and represent Burkina Faso in the documentary film section will mean this film will be seen by the whole world, not just by Africans,” Sanou said.

Ardiouma Soma, the director of FESPACO, says that this year, the event will also host the African International Film & TV Market — known as MICA — for the first time.

Soma said, because this year the MICA will be held at FESPACO they have invited distributors, whose names he prefers not to mention, to Ouagadougou. He said the market will allow them to find new projects that are in post-production and also films that are already finished but not scheduled for FESPACO, so that they can buy them for their own platforms.

Last year, FESPACO, which usually happens every two years, was cancelled due to COVID-19. Burkina Faso is also in the middle of a conflict with terrorist groups linked to Islamic State and al-Qaida.

Burkina Faso’s culture minister, Élise Foniyama Ilboudo Thiombiano, said it is important the festival goes on.

She said it’s a challenge for Burkinabè to continue to be able to keep the festival going every two years. But it is through cinema we can see the vision of Africans and the people who live on this continent, she adds. She points out that her predecessors all made sure FESPACO remained a focal point for Africa and she intends to do the same.

As for Sanou, he is hoping Night Nursery could receive an award, and the recognition it needs to win a wide audience.

Source: Voice of America

NewYorkTimes.com: Ethiopia Launches New Offensive on Tigray Rebels as Famin Looms

Western officials confirmed Tigrayan reports of an assault on several fronts. Aid workers said it will intensify a dire humanitarian crisis.

NAIROBI, Kenya — The conflict in northern Ethiopia has escalated sharply in recent days, as Ethiopian forces began a sweeping offensive in a bid to reverse recent gains by Tigrayan rebels, Western officials and Tigrayan leaders said.

U.N. officials said the attack will deepen the humanitarian crisis in a region that is plunging into the world’s worst famine in a decade. With the Ethiopian government blocking aid shipments, some starving Tigrayans are eating leaves to survive.

Senior Western officials broadly confirmed Tigrayan accounts that the assault, which had been anticipated for weeks, started in the Amhara region, which borders Tigray to the south. But beyond that, it is hard to get a clear picture of the situation.

A strict communications blackout imposed by the government means few details about the fighting can be independently confirmed. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, who was sworn in for a second term last week, has declined to comment in recent days.

His spokeswoman did not respond to a request for comment on Tuesday.

Speaking by phone, Gen. Tsadkan Gebretensae, a member of the central command of the Tigray forces and its leading strategist, said Ethiopian forces had begun the military operation on Friday with a bombardment of Tigrayan positions using warplanes, artillery and drones.

On Monday, the Ethiopians switched to a ground offensive led by thousands of fighters, to be met by a Tigrayan counteroffensive, he said.

“The enemy has been preparing for months, and so have we,” said General Tsadkan, who previously commanded Ethiopia’s armed forces for a decade. He predicted the coming battle would be a “decisive moment” for the country.

“The ramifications will be military, political and diplomatic,” he said. “I don’t think this will be a protracted fight — a matter of days, most probably weeks.”

For Mr. Abiy, winner of the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize, the offensive is an effort to wrest control of a brutal 11-month war that has ruined his reputation as a peacemaker and slipped beyond his grip as the fighting spread to new areas in recent months.

Mr. Abiy has appeared increasingly isolated from international support as the United States threatens him with the prospect of sanctions, and he clashes with the U.N. leadership. Only a few African leaders have continued to support him.

This month, Ethiopia expelled seven senior U.N. officials it accused of “meddling” in the nation’s internal affairs and diverting aid to the Tigrayan rebels. The U.N. Secretary General Antonio Guterres denied those charges in unusually sharp language, telling Mr. Abiy the expulsions had no legal basis.

Likening the situation to the devastating Somalia famine of 2011, Mr. Guterres said he warned Mr. Abiy that Ethiopian restrictions on the delivery of aid had created a humanitarian crisis that was “spiraling out of control.”

Over five million Tigrayans urgently need relief aid, and at least 400,000 are in famine-like conditions, the U.N. says. But barely one-tenth of required aid has reached them because Ethiopia has blocked the routes into the region, officials said.

The Biden administration has tried to force Mr. Abiy and the Tigrayans into peace talks by threatening sanctions against “officials and entities” who block humanitarian aid and refuse to stop fighting.

With his latest attack, however, Mr. Abiy seems to be gambling that he can prevail using force.

Western officials said the Ethiopian leader had been preparing the offensive for months. He amassed new weapons from foreign suppliers and recruited tens of thousands of young Ethiopians to help fight Tigrayan forces he has described as “cancer” and “weeds.”

Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed during his inauguration ceremony in Addis Ababa last week, where he was sworn in for a second five-year term.

One Western official said Mr. Abiy had acquired new drones built in Iran, Turkey and China, although it is unclear who supplied them to Ethiopia. Websites that track international air traffic have recorded dozens of cargo flights from the United Arab Emirates, and a handful from Iran, into Ethiopian air force bases in the past six weeks.

Tigrayan leaders have accused the U.A.E. of sending armed drones to help Mr. Abiy during the early weeks of the war last November; Emirati officials have refused to comment. Airstrikes took out most of the Tigrayan artillery and forced its troops to retreat into the remote countryside.

A more consequential question now is whether Eritrea will again rally to Mr. Abiy’s side. Eritrean troops offered crucial support in the first phase of the war, until June, and faced many of the worst accusations of atrocities against civilians. The Eritreans are currently occupying Humera, a town in western Tigray, and some have deployed to Amhara, two western officials said.

But it’s unclear if they are participating in the latest fighting.

Tigrayan forces scored a series of surprise victories that forced Ethiopian forces out of Tigray. In July, the Tigrayans pushed into the Amhara region, where the fighting has been centered ever since.

A long-running dispute between Amhara and Tigray over a swath of disputed land drew Amhara militias into the fight against Tigray last November. The Tigrayans say those fighters are also participating in the latest offensives, along with regular Ethiopian troops and young men from across Ethiopia drawn by Mr. Abiy’s appeal for recruits during the summer.

But General Tsadkan, the Tigrayan commander, said he considered the autocratic leader of Eritrea, Isaias Afwerki, who is an old foe of the Tigrayans, as his greatest threat.

“Isaias and his army are the major spoiler in the region,” he said. “If the international community is earnestly looking for a peaceful solution, a settlement will not happen without taking care of Isaias.”

Both sides face intense pressures. The Tigrayans, surrounded by enemies, risk running out of supplies soon. Mr. Abiy is wrestling with a steep economic slide that has led to soaring food prices and foreign currency shortages, which American sanctions could soon make worse.

Ethiopian Airlines, Africa’s biggest airline and Ethiopia’s flagship economic success, last week denied a report on CNN that its aircraft had been used to ship weapons and soldiers for the war in Tigray.

On Tuesday, U.S. Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken met with the newly appointed African Union envoy to Ethiopia, former Nigerian president Olusegun Obasanjo, to discuss the crisis.

Some African leaders are standing by Mr. Abiy. Six heads of state, mostly from the region, attended his inauguration celebrations in Addis Ababa last week. But several of the congratulatory speeches included expressions of growing concern, and urged Mr. Abiy toward peace talks.

“Ethiopia is our mother,” said President Uhuru Kenyatta of Kenya. “If our mother is not at peace, neither can the family be at peace.”

The criticism of Mr. Abiy in the West is growing increasingly strident. Last week an essay by Mark Lowcock, a former British diplomat and until recently the U.N.’s humanitarian chief, accused Mr. Abiy of trying to starve the people of Tigray “either into subjugation or out of existence” and warned he risked causing his country to collapse.

“Abiy’s game plan cannot work,” Mr. Lowcock wrote, citing what he said was a growing expert consensus. “If he tries and fails to destroy Tigray, he will be destroyed himself. If he succeeds, he will never survive the backlash that will follow.”

Source: Dehai Eritrea Online

Danakali looks to increase Colluli NPV on the back of surging SOP price

Potash Price Forecast Analysis from CRU International Limited, which shows Muriate of Potash (MOP) prices surged higher across multiple global markets from January 2021.

Encouragingly for DNK and its Colluli SOP Project in Eritrea, forecasts suggest SOP prices will surge even higher in the long term.

This would be highly beneficial for Danakali as for every 10% increase in SOP price, its Colluli Project NPV increases by US$250 million.

“Spectacular margins”

DNK is focused on the development of the Colluli Sulphate of Potash Project, which is 100%-owned by the Colluli Mining Share Company (CMSC), a 50:50 joint venture between Danakali and the Eritrean National Mining Corporation (ENAMCO).

Through the Colluli Project, DNK holds the world’s largest JORC-compliant solid salt, Sulphate of Potash (SOP) reserve at 1.1 billion tonnes.

DNK is aiming to be the world’s first Zero Carbon SOP producer and is well on its way to production.

“Colluli is a unique game changing asset on so many levels,” Danakali chairman Seamus Cornelius said.

“We are excited to see this SOP forecast from CRU which is well above the long run average price we have used in FEED particularly as we are on the cusp of coming into production.

“It’s more than fair to say that given Colluli will operate in the bottom quartile of the cost curve, if we were producing today at these prices the margins on this project would be nothing short of spectacular.”

FEEDING the potash beast

Colluli’ s FEED sensitivity analysis shows the Colluli NPV is most sensitive to SOP price and WACC (weighted average cost of capital).

The current NPV in the Colluli FEED study uses US$569/tonne for standard grade SOP and applies a 10% price premium for its granular grade premium product. Colluli will sell 56% of its production as standard grade and 44% of its production as granular (premium grade).

The long-term outlook for the weighted average netback price to Massawa for the target markets of Colluli SOP is US$668, with CRU expecting all specialty potash fertiliser prices to move higher through 2021-23 with a pull back from 2024-2027.

It will then see a steady price rise until 2040.

Great year for the potash price

This year has been a strong year for the global potash market on the back of rising demand, poor international crop yields, surging crop prices and margins and supply-side risks in Belarus.

All these factors have combined to drive regional potash prices up 200%-300% to above US$700/tonne (CFR Brazil Spot) and US$520/tonne (CFR SE Asia Spot).

Further to this, according to Green Markets, Bloomberg, North America’s nutrient gauge (fertiliser prices) surged past the 2008 peak to hit a new record of US$996.32.

Historically, the 10-year average premium of SOP to MOP is US$221 with current MOP prices FOB Vancouver at over US$550/tonne.

The following graphic clarifies demand drivers:

With China and India running down stockpiles and global crop prices largely persisting at historically high levels, availability remains very limited, presenting an opportunity for future producers.

Source: Dehai Eritrea Online

Desert Locust situation update 14 October 2021

SWARMS LIKELY TO MOVE FROM NE ETHIOPIA

OVERVIEW. The few spring-bred swarms that have remained in northeast Somalia are now mature and starting to copulate. No swarms have been reported recently in northwest Somalia, Djibouti, or Ethiopia. Nevertheless, a few summer-bred swarms are likely to have formed in parts of Afar and adjacent areas of southeast Tigray and eastern Amhara regions. Unfortunately, this cannot be confirmed as most areas are not accessible. No surveys have been conducted recently in Yemen where a few summer-bred swarms are likely to be present in parts of the interior. In Sudan, only low numbers of scattered adults are present in the interior with local breeding in the Bayuda Desert north of Khartoum where a few groups are forming as vegetation dries out. Elsewhere, the situation remains calm.

WHY IT MATTERS. As vegetation dries out in the breeding areas of northeast Ethiopia, any swarms that form are expected to migrate north through the Ethiopian Highlands to the Red Sea coast of Eritrea and southeast to eastern Ethiopia and northern Somalia. Although the scale of this migration is nearly impossible to predict due to conflict and a lack of reporting, the swarm numbers and sizes should be limited and certainly much less than last year at this time. In any case, breeding is likely to occur in areas that receive rainfall during October and November in the Somali region of eastern Ethiopia, on the plateau in northern Somalia, on the coast of northwest Somalia, and the Red Sea coast in Eritrea. Similarly, a limited number of swarms will migrate from the summer breeding areas in the interior of Yemen to the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden coastal plains for winter breeding. There is a low risk that a few small swarms could eventually reach the coast of Sudan and Saudi Arabia while others may cross the Gulf of Aden from Yemen to northern Somalia. Given the current uncertainty of the scale of migration and upcoming rains, surveys should be mounted in the above areas and maintained until at least the end of this year and early next year. While every effort should be made to reduce the number of swarms before they lay eggs, this may not be entirely possible so control against the new generation of hopper bands is likely to be required towards the end of this year.

CONTEXT. Insecurity hampers field operations in parts of northern Ethiopia and Yemen.

• SOMALIA. The few remnant swarms have matured in the northeast where they are copulating.

• ETHIOPIA. No locusts seen in Somali region and parts of central Afar.

• DJIBOUTI. No locusts in the east.

• YEMEN and ERITREA. No recent surveys.

• SUDAN. Calm; few hopper and adult groups in the Bayuda Desert north of Khartoum.

• SAUDI ARABIA. No locusts in the southwest.

• WEST AFRICA. Calm.

• SW ASIA. No locusts in Iran, Pakistan, and India.

TAKEAWAY. Current field operations in Somalia and Ethiopia should be maintained while surveys should start on the Red Sea coast in Eritrea.

• Central Region (SERIOUS) –increase surveys (Djibouti); maintain surveys (N Somalia, E Ethiopia); start surveys on Red Sea coast (Eritrea)

• Western Region (CALM) – improve monitoring and reporting (Mauritania, Niger)

• Eastern Region (CALM) – no significant activities

Source: Dehai Eritrea Online

Nigerian Military Says Leader of IS-linked Group is Dead

Nigeria’s military claimed Thursday that Abu Musab al-Barnawi, the leader of an Islamic State-linked extremist group blamed for killing hundreds in the northeast, had died. There was no immediate confirmation from the militants.

At a news conference, Nigeria’s chief of defense staff, Gen. Lucky Irabor, told reporters: “I can authoritatively confirm to you that Abu Musab is dead.” He gave no further information, and it was not possible to independently corroborate the claim.

The announcement came only five months after al-Barnawi and his forces claimed responsibility for killing rival extremist leader Abubakar Shekau.

Some reports said al-Barnawi had been fatally wounded during clashes with yet another rival extremist faction, but the military gave no details about how it had confirmed his death.

Al-Barnawi was a teenager when his father, Mohammed Yusuf, was killed by Nigerian security forces in 2009. The death of the founding Boko Haram leader has fueled a more than decade-long insurgency against the Nigerian government, ultimately expanding to neighboring Niger, Chad and Cameroon.

Shekau took command of the group after Yusuf’s death but clashed frequently over the years with al-Barnawi, who reportedly at one point was picked instead by the Islamic State organization to lead Boko Haram. Instead, a breakaway faction was formed in 2016 that became known as the Islamic State in West Africa Province, or ISWAP.

Unlike Shekau’s group, which often violently targeted civilian populations, ISWAP under al-Barnawi targeted the Nigerian military and those who aided the soldiers. But it drew heightened global concern when it began targeting civilians working for international aid organizations in the northeast in a series of kidnappings and killings.

The faction still led by Shekau, meanwhile, weakened in recent years and his death was announced in May. ISWAP then sought to expand its reach, but al-Barnawi failed to win over thousands of Shekau’s followers and many surrendered to the Nigerian military instead.

The conflict in northeast Nigeria has directly caused the death of 36,000 people, according to U.N. officials, with more than 2.3 million people displaced.

Source: Voice of America

USA and Eritrea, new members of the UN Human Rights Council

The United States, after almost four years of absence, and Eritrea, accused by several Ones of violating fundamental freedoms, were elected this Thursday by the UN General Assembly to serve on the Human Rights Council for a three-year term.

Eighteen countries were candidates to fill as many positions as of January 1. The United States obtained 168 votes and Eritrea 144.

In addition to the United States and Eritrea, Argentina, Honduras, Paraguay, Finland, Luxembourg, Benin, Cameroon, Gambia, Somalia, United Arab Emirates, India, Kazakhstan, Malaysia, Qatar, Lithuania were elected by majority (a minimum of 97 votes) and Montenegro.

Taking advantage of the absence of the United States, China and several of its partners, including Belarus and Venezuela, in recent years multiplied joint statements in support of Beijing’s actions in Hong Kong, Xinjiang and Tibet, and denounced the “violations of human rights “in Western countries, including those of Canadian indigenous peoples.

In Thursday’s election, some NGOs accused regional groups of having presented the same number of candidates as there were vacancies – an “electoral farce” for UN Watch – and of failing to stop candidacies from authoritarian countries.

Based in Geneva, the Human Rights Council has a total of 47 members. The presence of authoritarian regimes that violate human rights has been the subject of criticism for years.

Source: Dehai Eritrea Online